Stephanie Berry has been a Lecturer in Public Law at the University of Sussex since September 2013. She is Co-Director of the Sussex Centre for Human Rights Research, Convenor of the Human Rights Law Clinic, and Co-Convenor of the LLM in International Human Rights Law.
Eleonora Ardemagni is an ISPI Associate Research Fellow (contributing to the MENA Centre since 2013) and her research analysis focuses on political and security issues in Yemen and the Gulf monarchies, and on Arab military forces.
Alessia Amighini is Co-Head of Asia Centre and Senior Associate Research Fellow at ISPI. She is Associate Professor of Economics at the Department of Economic and Business Studies (DiSEI) at the University of Piemonte Orientale (Novara, Italy), and Adjunct Professor of International Economics at the Catholic University (Milan, Italy). Amighini previously worked as an Associate Economist at the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD, Geneva, Switzerland).
Maurizio Ambrosini is professor of Sociology of Migration at the University of Milan, Department of Social and Political Sciences, ISPI Scientific Advisor and chargé d’enseignement at the University of Nice-Sophia Antipolis (France). In his Department, he has furthered the creation of L.I.M.eS.
Marco Genovesi is a doctoral researcher at the School of Politics and International Relations of the University of Nottingham, UK campus. His research examines the mechanics of international negotiations and uses the Antarctic framework as a case study. As a second line of research, Marco is authoring an article that applies Carl Schmitt’s theory of Nomos to the study of environmental politics. Marco obtained his M.A. in International Relations from the University of Warwick in 2015 and his B.A.
When Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi seized power in 2013, he inherited a military economy under the control of the officer corps and primarily serving its economic interests. He immediately began transforming it into a securitized economy, one in which the entire economy is subordinated to the military and security services.
As Egypt approaches the ten-year anniversary of uprisings against former president Hosni Mubarak, wins and losses of the past decade have come into a clear focus. The military, above all, has emerged as a political “winner”, having resumed its control over Egypt’s executive and, increasingly, legislative and judicial branches, as well as its much-discussed expansion into the economy.
Over the last decade, the deep transformations moving through the broader Mediterranean region have created new opportunities and challenges. The Libyan crisis and the tensions in the Levantine Sea emerged as paradigms of the contemporary chaos in the region as a whole. This is a complex and ever-changing context in which littoral countries clash over natural gas and maritime borders, while regional and international powers could get drawn into these disputes.
Egypt’s formal political scene is tightly controlled as President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi strives to institutionalize military rule. However, the significant role played by different elements of the security sector in shaping the post-2013 political and economic environment risks further politicizing these agencies. The military, along with different intelligence services, constitutes the organizational backbone of Egypt’s political order under el-Sisi.