Twenty-four hours following the US withdrawal from Afghanistan, President Joe Biden addressed the nation with remarks explaining his decision to pull out of the country stating that, “it is not just about Afghanistan… it is about ending an era of major military operations to remake other countries.”
Cyberspace has turned into the “fifth dimension of conflictuality” and, as such, has been sanctioned both by countries’ national cyber security strategies and by international organizations alike. In particular, NATO recognizes cyberspace as a domain for military operations wherein it is possible to trigger collective defense mechanisms in the event of hostile actions.
International agreement over cyberspace is one of the most challenging issues of the 21st century. It is different compared to regulating other domains such as sea, land, air, and even space.
The prevailing analogy for the cyber domain, specifically conflict therein, is that of the Wild West. Over the last decade, the world has witnessed the dizzying expansion of cyber conflict. Malicious actors’ recognition that weaponizing cyberspace provides asymmetric benefits over traditional, kinetic domains has only been assisted by the ballooning of digital products and services that introduce additional cyber vulnerabilities.
The unprecedented number of cyber-attacks that have rocked some of the world’s biggest companies and government agencies over the last few years makes cyber diplomacy one of the most urgent issues of the century.
However, catching up to disruptive technologies while curbing military escalation in cyberspace presents both opportunities and obstacles.
Qatar is carving out a leading role for itself within international diplomacy - particularly in light of recent events in Afghanistan - through its mediation-oriented foreign policy. This occurs after — and despite — three years of political and diplomatic crisis between the Quartet (Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates-UAE, Bahrain, and Egypt) and Qatar. Doha’ diplomacy appears better positioned — and influential — today than before the eruption of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) rift, occurred in 2017.
The MED This Week newsletter provides expert analyses and informed comments on the most significant developments in the MENA region and beyond, bringing together unique opinions on the topic and reliable foresight on future scenarios. Today, we focus on the cost and consequences of the US withdrawal from Afghanistan, with an exclusive interview with Gen. John R. Allen, president of the Brookings Institution and former commander of the NATO International Security Assistance Force and US Forces in Afghanistan
As the United States races to meet the evacuation deadline of 31st August, it is clear that the images of the messy exit will stay etched in our collective conscious for a long time, just as the iconic image of US marines being evacuated from Saigon by a helicopter from a rooftop in April 1975 have never been forgotten. Already questions are being raised about the ‘sudden’ US decision, US credibility, and the collapse of the Afghan army.
The MED This Week newsletter provides expert analyses and informed comments on the most significant developments in the MENA region and beyond, bringing together unique opinions on the topic and reliable foresight on future scenarios. Today, we turn the spotlight on Afghanistan, where the Taliban’s takeover of the capital Kabul will lead the country to a new rule, with uncertain consequences on the geopolitical and humanitarian side.
On April 16 the Council of the European Union issued its ‘Conclusions on an EU Strategy for Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific.’ The EU policy paper announced a “meaningful European naval presence in the Indo-Pacific.” However, the meaning of that exact phrase on top of who, what, and when would be deployed to the region have yet to be further explained.