“Only” 3,778 cases of COVID-19 were recorded in sub-Saharan Africa as of 1 April, according to the WHO. Whether the global pandemic is reaching the continent later or there are reporting challenges, it seems safe to assume that that these numbers will unfortunately rise.
In his two years in office, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has cultivated a reputation internationally for his commitment to diplomacy and international cooperation, even winning the 2019 Nobel Prize for his efforts to promote peace in the Horn of Africa.
Although the Chinese authorities have so far not explicitly said that the donation of masks and other protective equipment to developing countries is part of a formal, coherent strategy, the Chinese government has put significant effort into activating its diplomatic machinery, seemingly taking a leading role in response to the COVID-19 outbreak in Africa.
Africa is the continent that has most of the world’s poorest people living on less than two dollars a day. Most of these people derive their livelihoods from the informal economy, small-scale farming, livestock keeping, mining and fishing. They are self-reliant and show solidarity in their daily transactions. They do not have a salary or social security, and some may not even have saving accounts. This means that in the case of a lockdown they are likely to be adversely affected, living on daily transactions.
The Corona virus should change global politics. The speed and scale of its transmission, and the severity of its impact is not, we know now to our cost, fake news. As the virus rapidly tracks people vectors world-side, the control of its impact is inextricably linked to the availability of resources and depth of governance. For these reasons, global leaders should focus on its impact among the most vulnerable, and in particular in Africa.
In a time when processes of opening and regional integration elsewhere seem to give way to the tightening of barriers and protectionist tendencies, on March 21th the African countries signed a historical agreement to launch AfCFTA, the world's largest free-trade area in terms of the number of Contracting Parties. Is this a real breakthrough for the country's development?
Defined by multiple dynamics of instability, the Lake Chad Basin represents a complex regional system. Over the last ten years, violent extremism has spread across the region as a result of Salafi-jihadi armed groups – Jama'atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda'awati wal-Jihad (JAS), commonly known as Boko Haram, and Islamic State in West African Province (ISWAP) – which gave impulse to regional security cooperation processes.
The Fulani are a large and internally diverse population spread across West and Central Africa, with their largest concentration in Nigeria. In very broad terms, they can be divided into two main categories: the (semi)-nomadic and transhumant pastoralists, who raise cattle and sheep and, contrary to popular belief, usually also cultivate crops on a subsistence basis; and settled Fulani, who are not pastoralists and live in urban areas and villages as traders, farmers, traditional rulers, educated professionals.
Cameroon is an example of an increasing number of countries confronting both separatist rebellions and jihadist-armed groups. Two characteristics are nevertheless remarkable in the Cameroonian case. First, the fact that unlike some countries facing similar crises, no confusion is possible between the two insurgent fronts (in terms of territory, social base, resources mobilization channels, tactical interests and even repertoire of violent action).
The Diffa region, in the southeastern part of Niger, has become a place for armed violence since February 2015, when it experienced the first attack by Jama'atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda'Awati Wal-Jihad (JAS/Group of the People of Sunnah for Preaching and Jihad, commonly known as Boko Haram). Over the last two years, the patterns, nature and levels of violence in the region have transformed as a result of the humanitarian and security response and of the internal dynamics of the insurgency.