A traditional stronghold for the US ‘pivot to Asia’, South East Asia has recently been on the receiving end of China’s courtship display. The conflicting messages conveyed by the US and China have also been aggravating the electoral challenges that many South East Asian states are currently facing. In particular, general elections in Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and Thailand have offered new evidence of the type of political transition that the region is en route to complete.
Ben oltre i fattori congiunturali – crisi economica globale, guerre commerciali, rallentamento del tasso di crescita, eccessivo indebitamento delle imprese, calo degli investimenti profittevoli – a determinare la riduzione duratura del tasso di crescita potenziale cinese sarà il fattore demografico.
In a world where great power rivalry is seemingly overtaking the multilateral world order, a regional organisation with lofty ideals such as “One vision, one identity, one community”, seems anachronistic. However, looking at the 35th ASEAN Summit in Bangkok, it looks like Southeast Asia is feeling quite at ease in the current state of affairs. There are some serious concerns, of course, not in the least regarding the security threats in the South China Sea (SCS).
Since the trans-Atlantic financial crisis, there has been a consistent focus on giving more voice and vote to emerging powers such as China and India, as well as to developing countries.
The concerted effort of the G20 has therefore resulted in a reform of the International Monetary Fund which has led to a distinct shift in voting powers, especially to China.
Foreign terrorist fighters (FTFs) associated with the unrest in Syria and Iraq, comprise over 40,000 individuals from 110 countries, spurring the international community to call upon these countries of origin to act. All Central Asian (CA) states are affected by problems related to their FTFs.
At present, Russia's influence in the Central Asian region is still quite significant, and it is bound to grow.
For a long time, the five Central Asian republics have presented a puzzle to researchers and policymakers regarding regional cooperation.
In the past few years, Ankara’s foreign policy has been preoccupied with the Syrian conflict, the Turkish-Russian rapprochement and the growing rift with the West. However, Ankara has also been striving to build a silent but important strategy towards Central Asia.
The story of president Xi Jinping choosing Kazakhstan as the first location for presenting his revolutionary foreign policy plan – the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) – has now become a common tale of China’s international relations. However, it is a story worth retelling, as it marks the starting-point of a new era in China-Central Asia relations.
Through the new EU Central Asia strategy, Brussels seems determined to breathe new life into its efforts to “court” Central Asia. But the EU is neither the only international player interested in the region nor is it the most influential one.