China

Abstract.  For some years, various countries have been engaged in a race for the militarization of 'outer space' and the creation of new space forces. This race is having consequences on technology, war strategy, and international relations.

Research questions. What are the programs and resources allocated to the new Space Forces? What new technologies will future wars be fought with? What new risks are being created? Is it possible to slow down the new space race and transform this effort into economic and social opportunities?

If the "Pivot to Asia" — the strategic rebalancing of American interests from Europe and the Middle East to East Asia — was former President Barack Obama’s goal, it seems to be now more than ever US President Joe Biden’s mantra, given the bolder approach of the current administration to counter Chinese leader Xi Jinping’s increasingly assertive policy. This is happening not without jolts from Washington, which has pulled more than a few blows to its allies.

The new AUKUS security partnership in the Indo-Pacific launched by the United States, the United Kingdom, and Australia to counter China’s presence in the region shall enhance the development of joint capabilities and technology sharing, deepening integration of security and defence-related science, technology, industrial bases, and supply chains. It will require a trilateral, 18-month-long diplomatic effort to seek an optimal pathway.

“Look, I predict to you, your children or grandchildren are going to be doing their doctoral thesis on the issue of who succeeded: autocracy or democracy? Because that is what is at stake, not just with China.”[1] This is how U.S. President Joe Biden outlined his view of the long-term relationship with China. Those who hoped that the geo-economic rivalry between the U.S. and China might diminish during his presidency will thus be disappointed.

The hasty and chaotic U.S. troops withdrawal from Afghanistan expedited the Taliban’s return to power in Kabul reviving the old fears that conflict and terrorism will spill over to neighboring countries. Washington’s pullout has also raised questions about who will fill the power vacuum in Afghanistan and keep terrorism and insurgency at bay in Central Asia.

On April 16 the Council of the European Union issued its ‘Conclusions on an EU Strategy for Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific.’ The EU policy paper announced a “meaningful European naval presence in the Indo-Pacific.” However, the meaning of that exact phrase on top of who, what, and when would be deployed to the region have yet to be further explained.

For over a decade, rare earths have emerged as a crucial commodity in the race for the geo-economic dominance of this century, and that is not by chance. As a matter of fact, rare earths are fundamental for the development of the new technologies that will enable the green revolution envisaged by the international community’s climate change efforts.

The infrastructure marketplace in the Indo-Pacific is being defined by competition. But given 21st century trends, this competition should be in the service of expanding choice, innovation, and effective delivery of sustainable infrastructure outcomes. Does the recently announced B3W offer positive contribution beyond engagement through its implicit contrast to the BRI?

The human rights situation in Asia has been in a steep decline over the last few years, from Myanmar’s attacks against students and the civilian population, China’s offensive against civilian and religious communities in Xinjiang and Tibet, Hong Kong, to longer-term concerns in North Korea, Laos, and several other countries.

US President Joe Biden has sought to restore American leadership globally and defend the US-led liberal international order. His administration emphasizes democratic values and reengages with democratic allies and partners to rival China. His proposal to convene a “Summit for Democracy” exemplifies his agenda.

The new US administration has made the Indo-Pacific front and centre of its foreign policy.