Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe got the message. The Japanese public and electorate are really not that interested in his constitutional amendment revising Article 9 (which renounces war) with a view to turning Japan into what Abe and his revisionist followers claim would then be a ‘normal’ country. Instead, good old bread-and-butter issues like the rapidly ageing society, labour market reforms and other structural reforms are what concern the Japanese people far more.
The Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) signed by the European Union and Japan on July 17th2018 in Tokyo, represents the most significant development in the context of global economic-commercial relations in recent years. It is an agreement that guarantees benefits to Italy and, at the same time, provides an important message in a historical global context characterized by renewed commercial tensions and protectionist tendencies.
Tokyo is paying a hefty price. The price for the country's prime minister's near-obsession to follow Trump's erratic and ever-changing policy lead on North Korea. The devote Shinzo Abe for a long time bragged about being in constant touch with Trump on respective policies towards North Korea. Too bad, however, that Trump decided to kiss good sense and even remotely rational behaviour good-bye for good changing his mind on and policies towards Pyongyang on a daily basis.
"Indo-Pacific", originally a geographic concept that spans two regions of the Indian Ocean and the Pacific Ocean, is not a new concept in itself. 10 years ago, Gurpreet s. Khurana, who used the word" Indo-Pacific Strategy" for the first time, was a marine strategist and executive director of the New Delhi National Marine Foundation. Recently, he wrote in the Washington Post that the new term has changed the new strategic mind map since China’s “reform and opening up” in the 1980s. “Asia Pacific” has shaped the image of a community of interests linking the United States and East Asia.
While the term "Indo-Pacific" is still new in Japan’s foreign and security policy discourse, the "free and open Indo-Pacific strategy" has rapidly become an established concept under the government led by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. The vision has a strong set of strategic rationale for Tokyo and there are few in the foreign and security policy community who directly oppose it. Yet, there remain a set of challenges as well.
Tokyo's "Free and Open Indo-Pacific" (FOIP) concept, Tokyo claims, has taken shape and is turning from a concept into a concrete strategy jointly implemented by Japan, the U.S., India and Australia. But not so fast. And that not only because U.S. President Trump could endorse and cheer the concept in a morning tweet and dismiss it as irrelevant in the evening, but also because coordinated and institutionalized security cooperation between the four countries in the Indo-Pacific region has yet a long way to go to be referred as such.
Tough talk and the wrong priorities. That or something like that is what Japan under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe can contribute to the outcome of the upcoming inter-Korean summit. Indeed, limiting himself to repeating U.S.
Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and U.S. President Donald Trump will play golf in Japan in November. That will take place when Japan’s old – and after Tokyo’s Lower House election of October 22 also new – Prime Minister Abe will host Trump on November 5-7 on the first leg of his Asia trip. Yet another occasion for Abe to demonstrate that he agrees on essentially “everything” with the short-tempered Trump, who continues to conduct domestic and foreign policies mainly over Twitter in the early hours of the day.
Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe pulled it off, again. After 2014, Shinzo Abe’s Liberal-Democratic Party of Japan (LDP) has won yet another snap election and unless he will be challenged internally in the months ahead, Abe will govern in Japan until 2021. Voters have voted for stability over change in Sunday’s Lower House elections and have seemingly chosen to forgive the old and new Prime Minister’s his alleged cronyism and near-obsession to revise the country’s war-renouncing constitution. Mr.
Japan under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe does not have what a country geographically so close to and easily within range of North Korean short and medium-range missiles should have: a plan, let alone a North Korea strategy, that goes beyond announcing that Pyongyang’s missile and nuclear tests are an “unacceptable provocation”.