One year after the Taliban’s takeover, politics and diplomacy are of the utmost importance to deal with developments in Afghanistan, which stand in striking contrast to the expectations of a large part of the international community in the aftermath of August 15th, 2021.
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On August 9th, 2022 Kenyans will vote for a new President. It will be the third time a President will be leaving office after his term is over. President Daniel arap Moi ruled the country for 24 years, ten after the Constitution was changed to open the country to multipartism and to cap presidential terms to two. He argued that, after changing the Constitution, he qualified for a new start, which he was granted.
Fundamental shifts in the Gulf monarchies’ foreign and domestic policymaking bear direct implications for their engagement in Tunisia. As a consequence, Tunis no longer plays a relevant role in the Gulf’s political-economic-security nexus. Despite Saudi Arabia’s and the United Arab Emirates (UAE)’s public support for President Kais Saïed and his authoritarian bent, the Gulf’s focus has shifted from North Africa toward other hotspots in order to preserve power projection in times of rising global multipolarism.
The past few months have witnessed a new Middle East full of complexity and contradiction. On the one hand, some of the tensions that have gripped the region over the past decade now show signs of abating, with various adversaries engaging in dialogue and rapprochement.
Libyans have always had a proud sense of exceptionalism. Despite attempts to compare Libya to Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria, and even uprisings from France to Russia, their own revolution has long retained this sense of exceptionalism, too. Today, however, over eleven years later, the dust has settled upon a much more mundanely tyrannical new world.
The crisis in Libya has often been described as a proxy war, that is, a conflict where foreign actors support and equip a certain faction or a number of factions in a third country and exert all efforts to see their faction(s) overcome the others and ascend to power. The purpose is obviously to expand a country’s power and influence.
The “warrior prince” Mohammed bin Salman al-Saud seems to have decided to play the ′alliance-maker` card. As the US President Joe Biden’s visit to Saudi Arabia approaches, Riyadh has rediscovered diplomacy, sending significant signals to Israel. Foreign policy and leadership rebranding overlaps in Riyadh now.
A revived transatlantic relationship stands as the background for NATO’s new Strategic Concept. After four troublesome years during Donald Trump’s presidency, the Biden administration has actively tried to relaunch the US-Europe dialogue, with partial success. The 2021 NATO summit in Brussels on June 14th was generally regarded as a constructive one, confirming the positive impression of the previous G7 summit in Carbis Bay and paving the way for the US-EU summit on June 15th.
The threat from Russia to European security is certain to be the key issue at the Madrid summit. The Atlantic Alliance is perfectly prepared to deal with it in the coming weeks and months, but perhaps less so in the next year and a few after. The 2010 Strategic Concept, for that matter, worked reasonably well in the short term but has become completely irrelevant in the mid-term, where we are now.
La Nato ha attraversato negli ultimi trent’anni un profondo processo di trasformazione attraverso il quale ha aggiornato i suoi strumenti militari e la sua postura strategica. L’allargamento dell’alleanza e la fitta rete di partnership strategiche con paesi non membri è una delle dimensioni più rilevanti di questo processo di trasformazione successivo alla fine della guerra fredda.