Catherine WIHTOL de WENDEN is Director of research at CNRS (CERI). For 30 years she has been a researcher on international migration, from a Political Science and Public Law approach. She studied in Sciences-Po Paris and University Paris I (Panthéon- Sorbonne) She got her Ph D in Political Science in 1986. She has published 20 books, alone or as co-writer and around 150 articles.
Risultati della ricerca:
political economist with experience in government and academia. Between 2014 and 2018 he was the main economic advisor on international economic affairs to Prime Ministers of Italy, Matteo Renzi and Paolo Gentiloni. In his capacity he attended over 120 international bilateral meetings with head of governments or CEOs of multinational companies; he managed national and international policy and legislative dossiers on behalf of the Prime Minster; coordinated relevant ministries and public agencies on different policies.
Fabio Petito is Senior Associate Research Fellow in ISPI and Head of the "Religions and International Relations" Programme promoted by ISPI and the Freedom of Religion or Belief & Foreign Policy Initiative (FoRB&FPI), University of Sussex - UK. He is Senior Lecturer in International Relations at the University of Sussex. He has taught at SOAS in London, the ESCP-EAP in Paris and at ‘L’Orientale’ in Naples.
Twenty-five years after the conclusion of the brutal Mozambican Civil War (1975-92), the insurgent group known as Ahlus Sunna wal Jamaa (local script; acronym: ASWJ) is causing havoc in one of FRELIMO’s strongholds—the province of Cabo Delgado.
In Libya, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) are testing their ambitions as a middle power, exactly like they did - and are still doing despite extensive military disengagement - in Yemen. In both arenas, the UAE intertwines geopolitical and ideological goals: it needs strong proxies and trusted allies to achieve them.
Mongolia held its 8th regular parliamentary election on June 24, 2020. The country sits in an authoritarian neighborhood and is the second country to hold parliamentary elections amidst the COVID-19 pandemic.
Using Covid-19 as a trigger and the serial failures of the United Nations (UN) to reform, adapt or listen to voices outside the Permanent Members of the UN Security Council (UNSC) as context, this paper argues that the blunders of this institution’s past combined with the present aggressive behaviour of China that has created security threats in the region have come together to force the world to intellectually rethink and physically recreate a new world order.
Africa’s development aspirations have always rested on the possibilities and policies inherent in achieving rapid industrialisation. Africans believe that key interventions in industrial policy would lay the foundation for sustained growth, business and job creation. In contemporary China, African policy makers seem to have found a development partner whose interests, experiences and capacities match these continental ambitions.
In the space of a decade and a half, China has become Africa’s largest bilateral creditor, with having committed to lend over 150bn USD between 2000-2018, larger than any OECD (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development) lender, and near-matching the World Bank in Africa. Along with growing trade and Foreign Direct Investments (FDI), these capital flows from China, accelerating under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), have been met with consternation from the US and western media outlets.
In response to the COVID19 crisis, governments across the world, including in Africa, have had to rapidly expand their budgets for healthcare and to avoid widespread poverty as economic activity slows. There are concerns that African countries are – as a result – vulnerable to a protracted debt crisis. The framing of this, however, may lead to the wrong policy prescriptions, and this is why.