Fabio Petito is Senior Associate Research Fellow in ISPI and Head of the "Religions and International Relations" Programme promoted by ISPI and the Freedom of Religion or Belief & Foreign Policy Initiative (FoRB&FPI), University of Sussex - UK. He is Senior Lecturer in International Relations at the University of Sussex. He has taught at SOAS in London, the ESCP-EAP in Paris and at ‘L’Orientale’ in Naples.
Risultati della ricerca:
Michael Kugelman, Deputy Director of the Asia Program and Senior Associate for South Asia at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, DC, is a leading specialist on Afghanistan, India, and Pakistan and their relations with the United States. The editor or co-editor of 11 books, he has written for The New York Times, Foreign Policy, Foreign Affairs, and other publications, covering topics ranging from U.S. policy in Afghanistan to terrorism to water, energy, and food security in the region.
Erik Jones is the Director of the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies at the European University Institute. He has served as Professor of European Studies and International Political Economy, and Director of European and Eurasian Studies at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS). Professor Jones is author of The Politics of Economic and Monetary Union (2002), Economic Adjustment and Political Transformation in Small States (2008), Weary Policeman: American Power in an Age of Austerity (2012, with Dana H.
Eventuali sanzioni all’energia russa devono essere maneggiate con gradualità e cautela. Per limitare i danni, l’obiettivo primario dovrebbe essere far calare i prezzi.
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has led to increased oppression against opposition activists, NGOs, and journalists within the country. Civil society organizations are trying to survive under the new political and economic conditions, with many activists and experts fleeing Russia.
As the first round of the French presidential elections approaches, a renewed international relevance is the ace up Emmanuel Macron’s sleeve. Provided that he wins both rounds — something he seems well-poised to do — and that he keeps his comfortable majority at the National Assembly, he might successfully challenge Germany’s dominance in Europe.
The Covid-19 pandemic disrupted supply chains and economic activities across the globe. Japan is no exception because of its global supply chain vulnerability, notably its high concentration of production bases in China. This article first explains recent developments in Japanese supply chain policy over the past few years. It argues that Japan’s efforts in securing supply chain resilience have not been successful. It then highlights key challenges faced by the Japanese government in strengthening supply chain resilience.
The globalized economic world order has promulgated a widespread cause and effect impact. As a consequence, the onset of the Ukraine crisis will not only spike oil and gas prices across the world — disrupting energy supply chains —but also have gross ramifications on other critical global value chains ranging from wheat and barley to minerals like copper and nickel.
Tech giants will gain more and more power. Their social and political impact will be difficult to predict and control.
Since the emergence of COVID-19, the Middle East and North Africa region has been hit hard by several waves — and mutations — of the virus. Based on the number of cases per 100,000 population, countries like Bahrain, Israel, and Kuwait had the highest incidents, while Tunisia, Lebanon, and Iran recorded the highest death rate.