Like the US and Europe, China was caught by surprise by the Arab spring and had to abruptly adapt its foreign policy to events. China is learning from events in North Africa and the Middle East. Support for unstable regimes is something that can have a concrete and immediate negative impact on China’s interests abroad. Such situations can also lead to costly evacuations of the growing numbers of Chinese citizens now working for Chinese companies on large-scale projects around the world.
Risultati della ricerca:
China matters globally. Not only in international trade and economics, but also and increasingly in international politics and security, be in East Asia, Central Asia and further away from home in Africa, Central and South America. Along with China ‘going global’ in international politics comes a vivid and at times controversial debate in scholarly and policymaking circles on what kind of international actor China will become in the future.
Tradizionale teatro della politica d’influenza francese, il Continente africano conosce in questi mesi un rinnovato attivismo da parte di Parigi. Serrata fra i crescenti interessi geopolitici di potenze emergenti(1) e costrizioni legate al proprio passato coloniale e neocoloniale, la Francia ha appena segnato in Costa d’Avorio un ultimo e contradditorio episodio di una tradizionale quanto anacronistica “politique de la cannonière” in Africa subsahariana.
Islam and various forms of political Islam play an important part in the political life of the Horn of Africa. Especially after 11th September 2001, the religious dimension of politics in the Horn has acquired a new and more important relevance. This Analysis attempts to assess how, in the recent history of the Horn, Islam has come to play a part that shapes the Horn’s international position and its regional dynamics.
The Horn of Africa is considered as one of the least stable regions of the continent. The Analysis takes into consideration the local, regional and international causes of conflict in this area at the present time. In particular, the role of the US (after the 11th of September 2001), China, Russia and India is thoroughly analysed. The paper suggests that regional factors play the more relevant part in the dynamics of instability in the Horn of Africa and therefore they should be addressed in order to reduce conflicts in the area.
The high instabilty in the Horn of Africa is primarily due to ethnic, political and religious issues. Such issues are clearly linked to economic factors as well. In the history of the Region serious economic crisis have triggered revolutions and changes in governments. The countries of the Horn of Africa are some of the poorest countries in the world, with large percentages of their population living under the poverty line.
This analysis seeks to outline the role of pro-government youth organisations in Russia in supporting the Kremlin’s policy agenda in relation to the modernization process. Particularly, it shows the shift in the movements’ main role from bulwark against coloured revolutions to championing the incumbents’ plan of “conservative modernisation”: this expression was coined by Dmitrii Trenin to indicate the leaders’ priority of reforming the country without losing traditional values and political stability.
Why have the EU and Russia decided to engage in a new form of cooperation, the Partnership for Modernization? What is its mission and how does it differentiate from the Partnership and Cooperation agreement (renovation underway)? What does modernization mean for Russia and what are her expectations of this strengthened cooperation with Brussels? At the moment the PfM raises many questions, while its outcomes are still uncertain.
Anche grazie alla "relazione privilegiata" con Mosca, all'interno dell'Ue l'Italia può giocare un ruolo importante nel rafforzamento del Partenariato Orientale, sebbene debba tener conto delle sensibilità particolari di paesi come Ucraina e Georgia.
La crisi economica ha colpito severamente l’Unione europea e l’Eurozona in particolare. Proprio nel momento in cui si concludeva un quasi decennale processo di modifica dei Trattati con l’entrata in vigore del Trattato di Lisbona – dopo la fallimentare esperienza della Costituzione europea – l’Ue ha dovuto fare i conti con una crisi che imponeva l’utilizzo di strumenti e procedure che nemmeno il nuovo Trattato prevedeva.