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Michael L. Giffoni (New York, 1965), da diplomatico di carriera dal 1992 al 2014 ha ricoperto numerosi e delicati incarichi nazionali ed europei. Dopo aver trascorso gli anni ’90 in Bosnia e nel resto dell’ex-Jugoslavia in guerra, è stato Capo della Task-force per i Balcani dell’Alto Rappresentante per la Politica estera Ue, Javier Solana, poi per 5 anni primo Ambasciatore d’Italia in Kosovo (2008-2013) ed infine (2013-14) Capo Ufficio per il Nord Africa e la Transizione araba al Ministero degli Affari esteri.
On 1 March 2021, Italy’s intelligence systempublished its Report to Parliament on security information policy for the year 2020.
The summit meeting held last month in N’Djamena, Chad, between the G5 Sahel states and partner nations was, for the participants, a chance to applaud many purported gains since the January 2020 Pau Summit as well as the challenges ahead. It was also the occasion to repeatedly applaud the efforts of the European Union as well as EU member states in the Sahel.
Giorni di proteste e scontri in Spagna in seguito all’arresto del rapper catalano accusato di glorificare il terrorismo e di ingiurie contro la monarchia. Un episodio che potrebbe riaccendere conflitti istituzionali e gli attriti tra Madrid e regioni autonome.
War always triggers a series of intended and unintended consequences. In the case of the current guerrilla war in Ethiopia’s Tigray region, the conflict has seemingly sparked tensions between Ethiopia and its formerly convivial neighbour, Sudan.
On 22 January, Italian Police arrested a neo-Nazi sympathizer on terrorism-related offenses in the northwestern port city of Savona. Police also searched the houses of 12 other suspects across Italy, from Turin in the north of the country to Palermo in the south.
After more than two years of negotiations, only in part affected by the outbreak of Covid-19, on 3 December 2020 the chief negotiators from the European Union (EU) and the Organisation of African, Caribbean and Pacific States (OACPS) reached a political deal on a new partnership to succeed the Cotonou Agreement for (at least) the next twenty years. This lengthy negotiation period was preceded by an equally long and contentious preparation process leading to the adoption of the two negotiation mandates.
Historically, EU relations with Africa have remained fragmented, based on relatively short-term arrangements, and with a weak capacity to command attention and political support. In an effort to inject new vigour into EU-Africa relations – and in line with a pledge to lead a ‘geopolitical Commission’ – early in her mandate president Ursula von der Leyen called for a ‘New comprehensive strategy with Africa’.
While EU member states and citizens debate the new EU Pact on Migration and Asylum, it is clear that migration has been, is and will continue to be an integral part of the relations between African and European countries. A ‘strong external dimension’ takes a pride of place in the Pact and ‘migration diplomacy’ will most probably be deployed as a tool of first choice to persuade (sometimes coerce) governments to agree to keep people in countries of origin and transit.