Widespread international assertions levied on India have accused it of being somewhat soft in condemning the Russian attack on Ukraine. Staying true to its own policies of non-alignment and national interest needs, New Delhi has maintained a cautious stance on expressing any public statement that will severely question the Russian military attack on Ukraine. Amidst such strategic silence by Delhi, the question remains as to why India is reserved in condemning outrightly Moscow’s military adventurism on Ukraine.
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Following other publications from this Dossier, this commentary examines the Russo-Ukrainian war by pondering the implications for Asia’s balance of power and multilateral institutions. Despite the geographical distance from the violence, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has rekindled anti-colonial sentiments around Asia.
Since the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis in 2014, the conflict in the eastern part of the country has not stopped, leading to the deterioration of Russia’s relations with both Ukraine and the West. The situation took a sharp turn for the worse in February 2022, with nearly 2,000 ceasefire violations in the Donbas region on the 19th alone. On the 24th, Russia announced a “special military operation”, and the Russian-Ukrainian conflict suddenly broke out, shocking the world.
On March 2nd 2022, the United Nations General Assembly voted for a resolution demanding Russia immediately end its military operations in Ukraine, giving the impression that Moscow was isolated: only four countries — together with Moscow — voted against (Belarus, North Korea, Eritrea, and Syria). Nonetheless, this initial impression had to be nuanced a month later.
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has shaken the foundations of the global order, and the extent and outcome of the conflict are not yet clear. What is clear is that basic principles underpinning almost seventy years without major power conflict are at stake. If a significant power’s attempt at territorial aggression against a sovereign neighbour – no matter the complicated history – is successful, we will have reverted to a less peaceful era.
To find a reference to the Ukraine crisis in today's (April 29, 2022) Times of India, one must leaf through to page 11, where the reader learns that US President Biden has so far been unable to budge India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi from "a fiercely independent" stand on the conflict. This aptly captures the political mood in India towards the war in Ukraine. First, it hardly makes headlines. Secondly, those who do care about India's position, are generally supportive of the government stance on the crisis.
“The Ukraine War” will rank in 2022’s international affairs highlights. While conflicts and wars sadly remain a regular occurrence in world politics, two factors account for the gravity and unprecedented nature of the situation in Ukraine. First, the scale and location of the conflict involved a rising number of victims, from those who became direct casualties of the war to those forced out of their homes and seeking refuge in some of Europe’s major powers.
Il presidente americano Joe Biden presenta a Tokyo il suo piano economico per l’Indo-Pacifico, ma su Taiwan avverte: “Pronti a intervenire militarmente se la Cina attacca”.
La deflagrazione del conflitto in Ucraina ha portato a una risposta decisa di una parte della comunità internazionale nei confronti della Russia. Così decisa (e per molti versi coordinata) da risultare, secondo alcuni analisti, addirittura sorprendente.
US President Joe Biden has arrived in South Korea, the first stop in a five-day Asian tour that will also bring him to Japan. The trip – Biden's first to Asia since taking office – is meant to reaffirm the US commitment to restraining China, despite the recent focus on the Ukraine war. How Biden intends to pursue this objective, however, remains unclear. His main economic tool to contain China — the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) — and its participants will be finally unveiled.