The Arctic has always been very important for Russia. First, it makes up a considerable part of the country’s territory. Second, the region hosts important transport and military infrastructure. Finally, it possesses significant natural resources potential, which is not limited to oil and natural gas, but also includes minerals, timber, fish, and other resources including land itself.
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Russia, one of the world’s leading suppliers of fossil fuels, is facing new challenges: as the world is entering a zero-emission path, the country’s future will largely depend on diversification of the country’s economy, including decarbonizing its energy sector.
The ever-increasing size and cargo volumes for commercial vessels require ports to be growingly digital, sustainable and connected. These requirements highlight the complexity of today’s port infrastructure and define the competitive environment. 5G, Internet of Things, Artificial Intelligence, autonomous transport and blockchain technology are the necessary tools of this competition. However, to become more efficient and handle higher volumes of goods, it is not enough to adopt these technologies.
On 1 March 2021, Italy’s intelligence systempublished its Report to Parliament on security information policy for the year 2020.
The summit meeting held last month in N’Djamena, Chad, between the G5 Sahel states and partner nations was, for the participants, a chance to applaud many purported gains since the January 2020 Pau Summit as well as the challenges ahead. It was also the occasion to repeatedly applaud the efforts of the European Union as well as EU member states in the Sahel.
War always triggers a series of intended and unintended consequences. In the case of the current guerrilla war in Ethiopia’s Tigray region, the conflict has seemingly sparked tensions between Ethiopia and its formerly convivial neighbour, Sudan.
On 22 January, Italian Police arrested a neo-Nazi sympathizer on terrorism-related offenses in the northwestern port city of Savona. Police also searched the houses of 12 other suspects across Italy, from Turin in the north of the country to Palermo in the south.
After more than two years of negotiations, only in part affected by the outbreak of Covid-19, on 3 December 2020 the chief negotiators from the European Union (EU) and the Organisation of African, Caribbean and Pacific States (OACPS) reached a political deal on a new partnership to succeed the Cotonou Agreement for (at least) the next twenty years. This lengthy negotiation period was preceded by an equally long and contentious preparation process leading to the adoption of the two negotiation mandates.
Historically, EU relations with Africa have remained fragmented, based on relatively short-term arrangements, and with a weak capacity to command attention and political support. In an effort to inject new vigour into EU-Africa relations – and in line with a pledge to lead a ‘geopolitical Commission’ – early in her mandate president Ursula von der Leyen called for a ‘New comprehensive strategy with Africa’.
While EU member states and citizens debate the new EU Pact on Migration and Asylum, it is clear that migration has been, is and will continue to be an integral part of the relations between African and European countries. A ‘strong external dimension’ takes a pride of place in the Pact and ‘migration diplomacy’ will most probably be deployed as a tool of first choice to persuade (sometimes coerce) governments to agree to keep people in countries of origin and transit.