The Egyptian revolution, which sparked on January 25, was widely considered successful when it actually succeeded after 18 days in forcing old Mubarak to step down. Now after six months of this unexpected achievement renewed frustration dominates the domestic scene in the country, posing serious questions on whether the revolution has succeeded or is about to be aborted.
Risultati della ricerca:
40% of Russian GDP is realized within so-called monogorod i.e. single-industry towns whose economic and social life revolves around the success of a single industrial complex.
But this model is showing signs of weakness. Around 20 of these towns have managed to overcome the 2008-2010 crisis only because of strong state intervention.
The first social disorders have occurred in some towns and others could follow soon. However, in spite of these troubles it is hard to conjecture the end of the monogorod.
Nearly a decade after the Taliban’s removal from power, many believe that it is time for the foreignforces to leave and for the Obama administration to seek a diplomatic "surge".
After 20 years of civil war, protracted states of conflict are the continuing hallmarks of Somalia. The new institutional landscape created according to the ‘Djibouti Agreement’ of 19 August 2008 has not resolved the crisis because of the lack of a genuine process of political inclusion. While Somaliland and Puntland did not join the Djibouti peace process, Mogadishu’s Transitional Federal Institutions (TFI) have been confronted with increasing attacks and territorial extension by al-Shabaab, the Somali Jihad movement.
Somalia ranks amongst the for-eign policy priorities of Italy, since the colonial times. Italian interests in Somalia are motivated by piracy and by the threat of terrorism, but also by the strategic position Somalia has in the region.
The deadline for the mandate of the transitional federal institutions, which should have expired the coming August, offers a unique occasion to rethink Italy's interests and involvement in Somalia.
Despite the apparent uniformity of the Somali nation, after the death of Siad Barre Somalia en-tered a process of fragmentation that continues to date.
The solutions that the so-called international community has supported and at times has di-rectly promoted do not take into account that there is no unitary solution to the dissolution of the Somali state and that de facto institutions are controlling and governing parts of former Somalia, such as Puntland and Somaliland.
The analysis examines the current context of the Kashmir conflict by comparing the states’ perspectives that have emerged from the India-Pakistan dialogue process initiated in 2004. This process has facilitated the adoption of some initiatives (which were unthinkable decades ago) regarding the exchange of people and goods across the Line of Control (the line that divides both sides of Kashmir).
Moldova poses international and regional players a double challenge: the political stalemate and the Transnistrian issue. On the one hand, the political class is unwilling to reach an agreement upon the long-lasting presidential vacancy. On the other, the Transnistrian issue hampers Moldova’s geopolitical change and poses a global security threat.
The issue of Transnistria is related to Moldova’s ability to overcome the political stalemate and thus to be credible in front of the mediators and the Transnistrian counterpart in the settlement process.
In the last decade the US policy in the middle east has been based upon an idealist political narrative, stressing the need for democracy and human rights while, at the same time, it actively cooperated with autocratic regimes that routinely violated the most basic political and civil rights for the sake of security.
Le rivolte in Siria toccano ormai l’intero paese. Il regime ha risposto con una dura repressione che, secondo le stime degli attivisti, da metà marzo ha causato più di 1.300 morti. L’immagine delle migliaia di piazza Al-Aassi a Hama ha evocato le rivolte egiziane. E così anche in Siria, i carri armati dell’esercito controllano le vie di accesso delle principali città. Tuttavia, nonostante rare defezioni, le forze armate sono con il presidente Bashar al-Assad e questo frena non poco i movimenti.