The Russian economy is facing its biggest recession since at least the 1990s, that is, since the collapse of the USSR. According to the forecast of the Central Bank of the Russian Federation - in 2022 the GDP will decline by over 6%, the IMF expects a decline of 8.5%, the EBRD of 10%, the World Bank of 11.2%.
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President Joe Biden’s upcoming visit to the Middle East will seek to reassure regional allies at a time when the dominant narrative about the US role in the region, promulgated by Arab capitals, is that the United States is withdrawing from the Middle East and abandoning its allies and security commitments.
We all know that international affairs are currently dominated by the war in Ukraine. This, however, forms just part of the agenda of the Madrid Summit, which was planned under very different auspices.
Readers who are interested in these matters, which are nothing other than matters of international security, may remember that a Summit was held in London in December 2019, at which it was decided to reform the organisation, for the first time in 70 years.
Today, as the geopolitical tensions are heating up from the West across the East into the Indo-Pacific, the Cold War sentiments and terminology are getting a new lease of life across regions. Even as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) recognizes Russia as the “most significant and direct threat” to European security, it is China’s dynamic rise – from quiet to ultra-belligerent – that is challenging the US primacy, which it has held since the end of the Cold War ironically.
On June 23rd-24th, Chinese President Xi Jinping will (virtually) chair the 14th BRICS Summit, gathering leaders from Russia, Brazil, India, and South Africa. After losing steam over the last few years, the meeting has gained newfound significance, due to the rekindling between China and Russia as a consequence of the war, India’s renewed role on the international stage (neutral with Russia yet active in the Indo-Pacific), and the perception of developing economies vis-à-vis mounting great power competition.
In a speech on 7 April to his country’s envoys gathered in Pretoria, South African president Cyril Ramaphosa praised the resilience and solidarity of African countries in the fight against Covid-19. According to Ramaphosa, who has led the continental response since his chairship of the African Union (AU) in 2020, “the AU’s coordinated response to the pandemic has significantly advanced the cause of African unity.”
The year 2022 will be remembered for many things: the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the end of the COVID-19 pandemic, and the year that both NATO and the EU published their security strategies. For the European Union, the Strategic Compass represents the willingness of 27 countries with different strategic cultures to better coordinate, invest in capacity building, and partner with international organisations such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the United Nations knowing that a secure environment is crucial for European security.
Una tregua e una nuova leadership: dopo sette anni di guerra[1], lo Yemen attraversa una fase di opportunità politiche. La tregua nazionale, mediata dalle Nazioni Unite fra tutte le parti in conflitto, è in vigore, per due mesi, dal 2 aprile: nonostante alcune violazioni, la buona notizia è che la tregua sta reggendo e il numero di vittime e feriti civili si è dimezzato dal suo inizio[2].
Following other publications from this Dossier, this commentary examines the Russo-Ukrainian war by pondering the implications for Asia’s balance of power and multilateral institutions. Despite the geographical distance from the violence, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has rekindled anti-colonial sentiments around Asia.