The election of the Muslim Brotherhood candidate, Mohammed Morsi, as Egypt's first civilian elected President in June 2012, does not seem to bring Egypt's transition to an end. Morsi is challenged for two main reasons: one is what he has done since he was elected President, which has unleashed the criticism of non-Islamist forces who accuse him of “Ekhwanizing” the state, silencing his critics, and firmly consolidating a new autocracy of a religiously ideological nature. Second is the challenge in searching for a new foreign policy posture and seeking a reinvigorated regional role.
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China’s veto power as a permanent member of the UN Security Council means that it is a key actor when it comes to considering external powers’ responses to the Arab Awakening. Add to this significant and growing economic interests – most notably, but not only, as an oil importer – and China’s desire to play a role in the region becomes clearer. China’s initial response was driven
I disordini scoppiati per la pubblicazione su YouTube di un video blasfemo sul Profeta Maometto hanno riportato a galla con forza gli ostacoli rappresentati dalla deriva fondamentalista islamica, se sottovalutata, per lo sviluppo democratico e la modernizzazione del Nord Africa. Ma ci hanno anche mostrato come i movimenti islamici in questa regione siano divisi, e persino in lotta tra di loro.
The evolution of the post-Cold War Italian defence poly has been significant. Free from bipolar constraints, the Italian armed forces have continuously been engaged in military operations abroad, providing a relevant contribution to the international security. However, after two decades, budget cuts and new strategic challenges are pushing for a further transformation of the force structure.
At last, the current national political debate is focusing on new controversial proposals for defence reform.
If US election opinion polls are anything to go by, Mitt Romney will not get a chance to rock the
boat of US-Chinese relations from November 2012 onwards. Most (moderate and well-informed)
analysts and commentators agree that this is good news given Romney’s announcements on how
he and his aides would be dealing with what they call a protectionist ‘currency manipulator’ trading
US foreign policy towards the Middle East has generally been formed on certain fundamentals that were steadily defined and refined during the past six decades with the aim of protecting America's vital interests in the region. From this perspective, the party affiliation of the President – republican or democrat – compared to happenings in the region itself, mattered less in triggering major swings in US foreign policy towards the Middle East.
In the first fifteen years following the USSR dissolution, the process of hegemonic transition in post-Soviet Central Asia was defined by a deep dichotomy between opening efforts to cooperation with the West and Russia’s constant interference in the economic, strategic and cultural affairs of the region.
In this context, the People’s Republic of China progressive penetration in Central Asia, which originated in the mid-2000s, has radically changed the dynamics of regional cooperation.
The transition of power in North Korea after the death of Kim Jong-il portends both change and continuity. The heir to power, Kim Jong-un, no doubt relies on advice if not pressure from an inner circle of generals and other senior leaders. So far North Korean policy appears extremely tough, but perhaps that's an attempt to buttress his image amid concerns about his youth and inexperience.
There was a brief period earlier this year – 16 days to be more precise – when it looked like the death of Kim Jong Il and smooth transition to his successor, number three son Kim Jong Un, would make a breakthrough possible in the long-standing nuclear stalemate with North Korea; then Pyongyang reverted to form. Shortly after pledging to freeze all nuclear and missile tests, Pyongyang announced a satellite launch, thus pulling the rug out from under Washington (and itself) and business as usual (or unusual) returned to the Peninsula.
Gender parity in employment: a success yet to come. Despite many advancements on gender inequality, gender parity in employment is yet out of reach. Women employment is constrained by two kinds of barriers: those at the entry in the labour market and those when progressing through it.