Elections have always been a stress test for Hezbollah and the upcoming May 15th elections are no exception. The ongoing socio-economic crisis and widespread political disenchantment with the whole sectarian system in Lebanon will make these elections particularly challenging for Hezbollah. More specifically, this vote threatens the continued existence of the coalition that allows Hezbollah to control the parliamentary majority.
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Lebanon’s economic and political crisis represents an important issue for European policymakers. Given the central role the country plays in the eastern Mediterranean region, its further destabilisation is likely to spread to the broader Middle East, with significant consequences also for Europe. Over the past twenty years, both the European Union and its member states, with France in the lead, have played a key role in sustaining Lebanon’s fragile economy and supporting the burden posed by the Syrian refugee crisis.
Seguendo con l'attenzione dovuta i due giorni intensi della visita di Mario Draghi a Washington, ho avuto un moto di tristezza: pensando che a meno di un miracolo, fra un anno non saremo più governati da lui. Per le cose che ha saputo dire sull'Ucraina, il modo in cui l'ha fatto – determinazione riguardo alla guerra e visione di un futuro oltre il conflitto – Draghi merita quella definizione politica che in Italia è giusto sia usata con parsimonia: statista.
Lebanon’s fall from grace has been nothing short of dramatic. Not so long ago, Lebanon was an upper-middle income country with a highly skilled work-force, first-world educational and health institutions, a vibrant and entrepreneurial private sector, a thriving cultural and tourist scene, and a large and engaged diaspora.
Guerra e sanzioni aprono opportunità di “friendshoring" per spostare la produzione nei Paesi amici. Una nuova geografia anche per le commodities agricole.
Nothing will ever be the same. It’s hard not to share such a clear yet simple assessment of the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic. In the short span of a few weeks, indeed a few days, ordinary human activities were disrupted. The impact was immediate and particularly visible in cities where traffic frenzy and traffic jams were suddenly replaced by deserted streets and unreal silence.
Smart mobility, defined for the sake of simplicity as a personalized ‘service’ available ‘on demand’, providing individuals instant access to a seamless system of clean, green, efficient, and flexible transport to meet all their needs, is a transition affecting the mobility sector, though we cannot call it a revolution yet.
When cities reopened following months of lockdowns, they were no longer the same; or perhaps their citizens were different. Restaurants, bars, and clubs flooded outdoors, invading sidewalks and even streets or parking spaces at times. Outdoor activities increased exponentially while parks were filled with all sorts of events: yoga classes, political meetings, and actual outdoor education. Similar phenomena have occurred, at different times and in different ways, in almost every city across Europe and the world.
At the international climate change conference, COP26 in Glasgow in November 2021, the British organisers pushed for greater recognition of the impact of road transport on greenhouse gas emissions – and to present the electrification of the automotive market as the solution. Over 100 governments, businesses, investors, and civic organisations signed a declaration committing to accelerating the transition to zero-emissions vehicles.
After a decade of rapid growth, shared mobility has confronted new challenges with COVID-19. Shared mobility refers to transportation modes in which services and vehicles are shared among users. This includes app-based ride-hailing, carpooling, and car-sharing, as well as micro-mobility services such as bikes, e-bikes, and electric scooter fleets.