Non si può trattare di G20 senza parlare di Stati Uniti. Oltre ad essere la principale economia globale, con un pil nel 2020 di oltre 20mila miliardi di dollari e quasi 330 milioni di abitanti, gli Stati Uniti sono stati anche fra i principali promotori del Gruppo dei Venti. Fin dai primi anni Novanta, infatti, Washington aveva capitanato gli sforzi per allargare i fora di governance internazionale, superando il G7 ed includendo anche le economie emergenti di Asia ed America Latina, con attenzione anche a Cina e Russia.
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Si è tenuta a Pechino la sessione annuale del Comitato Centrale del Partito comunista cinese per emettere una "terza storica risoluzione”. Che cosa si sono detti e che valore ha la risoluzione? Francesco Rocchetti, Segretario Generale ISPI, e Silvia Boccardi, giornalista di Will, ne parlano con Filippo Fasulo, analista dell'Osservatorio Geoeconomia di ISPI
Washington e Pechino annunciano a sorpresa un’intesa sul clima. È il primo passo per un accordo verso una riduzione globale delle emissioni?
The majority of Ukrainians consider the UN peacekeeping mission to be the most preferable way to resolve the conflict in eastern Ukraine. However, proposals for said UN peacekeeping intervention, like any other peacekeeping mission, have never been a subject of serious negotiations, either between Kyiv and Russia-backed rebels or between Kyiv and Moscow in the Normandy format.
When Russian peacekeepers arrived in Nagorno-Karabakh as part of a ceasefire deal between Azerbaijan and Armenian, they found it empty, blanketed in a thick November fog. After 44 days of brutal war, most had fled, not believing the fighting was over. A year later, the region’s main city of Stepanakert is no longer a ghost town. Most of its residents have returned, followed by thousands of Armenians displaced from territories won over by Azerbaijani forces in the conflict.
When Mali’s interim government is said to be in talks with Moscow about deepening security ties via the deployment of Russian paramilitary forces – among other measures – the specter of Russia’s growing presence in Sub Saharan Africa does not appear to be utterly unrealistic.
Since the fall of the Soviet Union, Russia has adopted various instruments in order to maintain its regional primacy in the post-Soviet space (PSS). In particular, during the 1990s, a favourable political climate contributed to Russia negotiating all the ceasefire agreements that followed the violent ethno-conflicts that erupted in several states of the post-Soviet Union era.
The strengthening of the Russian hold over the Karabakh issue – and more generally over Southern Caucasus politics – was arguably the biggest diplomatic price Baku had to pay for the military victory in the “44 Days War” and for reconquering the territories surrounding the Nagorno-Karabakh enclave previously under Armenian occupation.
“NATO and Russia: Partners in Peacekeeping” – reads the title of a NATO brochure dating back to the aftermath of the Kosovo Force (KFOR) mission deployment in June 1999.
Russia and the CA states enjoy a “natural” long-standing cooperation in fighting irregular threats, considering shared concerns related to terrorism, extremism, separatism, and transnational organized crime, but also shared approaches to counter them. The collapse of the Afghan government and the return of the Taliban – designated as a terrorist organization by Russia – poses exceptional challenges of instability and uncertainty.