The strengthening of the Russian hold over the Karabakh issue – and more generally over Southern Caucasus politics – was arguably the biggest diplomatic price Baku had to pay for the military victory in the “44 Days War” and for reconquering the territories surrounding the Nagorno-Karabakh enclave previously under Armenian occupation.
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When Russian peacekeepers arrived in Nagorno-Karabakh as part of a ceasefire deal between Azerbaijan and Armenian, they found it empty, blanketed in a thick November fog. After 44 days of brutal war, most had fled, not believing the fighting was over. A year later, the region’s main city of Stepanakert is no longer a ghost town. Most of its residents have returned, followed by thousands of Armenians displaced from territories won over by Azerbaijani forces in the conflict.
Last week, China committed to building a military base in Central Asia’s neighbouring Tajikistan, raising the number of its foreign military bases to two. However, Djibouti is not yet at risk of being stripped of its unique position in China’s foreign military engagement. Reports have revealed that China will fund the construction of a Tajik outpost and not a military base located at the intersection between Tajikistan’s eastern Gorno-Badakhshan province, China’s north-western Xinjiang region, and Afghanistan’s eastern Badakhshan province.
The COVID-19 pandemic has wreaked havoc on every aspect of society, be it our mental and physical wellbeing, our health sectors, our education systems, our economies or our social lives.
There are growing expectations on the G20 Summit in Rome, which is now at the starting line. The key question is: how to escape the fate of a G20 Summit which is a little more than a “photo opportunity” among world leaders (all the more so as some of them - such as Putin and Xi – are missing)? To begin with, it is worth noting that the Summit is just the tip of the G20 “iceberg”: it is the culmination of a year-long multilateral effort which included 19 thematic working groups as well as 13 Ministerial meetings in 2021.
It looked like 2020 was supposed to be an annus horribilis for international trade. Instead, despite the pandemic, the international trade system withstood the impact, though not without some bruises. Global trade flows contracted by about 5%, much less than during the 2008-9 financial crisis: an overall better performance than what had been estimated during the first wave of Covid-19 which, due to sudden and rigid lockdowns, paralyzed many supply chains.
On April 26, 1956, a converted oil tanker called Ideal-X departed Newark, New Jersey, carrying 58 aluminum containers on its deck. This voyage, which ended in Houston, Texas, received little attention at the time, but it gave birth to an industry that would reshape the world economy. Today, more than 5,300 container ships sail the seas.
Panama’s maritime business is being transformed by the complex interaction between multiple factors. These include the growing economic and political power of China and US-China competition, the long-term structural impacts of Covid-19 on both the region and global trade, US policies to contain immigration from the Northern Triangle, climate change, the rise of leftist populism in the region, the China-Taiwan competition, technology trends, evolution of regional infrastructure, and the restructuring of the maritime shippin
Il recente World Energy Outlook pubblicato dalla IEA delinea le prospettive climatiche ed energetiche al 2050. Sottolineando che COP26 sarà cruciale.
La nuova strategia europea segnala un cambio di passo, con grande attenzione a clima e stabilità. Ma il Polo Nord è già ora teatro di competizione tra potenze.