Haizam Amirah-Fernández is Senior Analyst at the Elcano Royal Institute and Associate Professor at the Instituto de Empresa (IE). BA from the Universidad Autónoma de Madrid and an MA in Arab Studies on a Fulbright scholarship from Georgetown University’s Center for Contemporary Arab Studies. He completed his studies at the Université Libre de Bruxelles (Belgium) and at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA).
Risultati della ricerca:
Eman Al Hussein is Non-Resident Fellow at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington (AGSIW).
Juan Alberti is an international researcher and consultant in the field of infrastructure development. His work is focused on infrastructure policy analysis and megaproject planning, appraisal and delivery. He currently works as an external consultant for the Inter-American Development Bank, with previous experience working for the public and the private sector in several countries, and other multilateral institutions such as the World Bank and various United Nations agencies (UNDP, UNFPA, UNESCO, IOM). At present, he is PhD (c) in Planning Studies at University College London.
Since 2011, the Egyptian armed forces have played an unusual political role, at the center of Egyptian governance on a very wide range of matters. The set of crises imposed by the COVID-19 pandemic is shaping — and even diminishing — parts of that role in some ways that are subtle but still very clear from the public record. The result is the emergence (or re-emergence) of a wider field for the cabinet and civilian technocrats.
The Nile River conflict between Egypt and Ethiopia still appears to be at an impasse. But even if an agreement is reached on the filling and operation of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), Egypt will be on the losing side. For decades, Cairo had opposed any expansion of the water infrastructure on the upper reaches of the river. However, the country was unable to prevent dam construction in Ethiopia. Such dams are particularly dangerous from an Egyptian perspective because over 85 percent of Egyptian Nile water comes from the Ethiopian highlands.
Analysing the evolving trajectories in contemporary Egyptian foreign policy is not simple for several reasons related to its history, the cultural importance in the Arab and Muslim world, the geostrategic relevance of the country, and, finally, for the role of military in national and international politics. There are several determinants that explain Egypt's foreign policy behaviours and its peculiar approach in the external dimension of the state.
Check-points guarding the entrance to a village or road junction. In January and February, I crossed many of them in the southern regions of Egypt, on the Luxor-Aswan-Abu Simbel axis. The guards do not appear very attentive. Helmets are worn loosely, bullet-proof vests are laid on a mobile shield, coffee mugs lay around, vehicles are under canopies, and there are few mobile barriers. From a turret, the muzzle of a Kalashnikov emerges, but upon closer observation, there is no guard ready to embrace it. The rifle is instead fixed to a firing slit.
In his recently-published memoirs, Egypt’s former foreign minister, Nabil Fahmy, painted a clear picture of the prevalent mood inside Egypt’s ruling establishment concerning the country’s stance towards great powers. In the 2000s, he explains, former president Hosni Mubarak and many of his aides “came to believe” that the United States was pushing for a regime change agenda in Egypt.
L’alleanza tra Europa e Stati Uniti è stata il cardine su cui ha ruotato l’ordine internazionale dalla fine della Seconda guerra mondiale. Per Donald Trump, invece, Bruxelles e le altre capitali europee sono partner tali e quali agli altri. Quale futuro attende l’alleanza transatlantica?
Continua la serie di Focus, in uscita ogni mercoledì, con cui ISPI approfondisce i principali dossier di politica estera che hanno segnato i 4 anni di presidenza Trump, provando a farne un bilancio e a tracciare alcuni scenari futuri.
A poco più di un mese dalle presidenziali Usa, la politica estera affonda con tutto il suo peso nella corsa alla Casa Bianca. Il Segretario di Stato Mike Pompeo lancia bordate sull’Iran e intimazioni alla Santa Sede ‘colpevole’ di dialogare con Pechino.