Giuseppe Dentice (Ph.D) has served as a Research Fellow at the Middle East and North Africa Centre at ISPI, where he has been researching on geopolitical and security issues in the MENA region, and Teaching Assistant at the Catholic University in Milan.
His research interests apply also on Egypt, Israel and Gulf monarchies, and socio-political transformations in the Greater Middle East.
Secondo i dati dell’ultimo rapporto del Sipri[1], il Medio Oriente è la regione verso cui è confluito il 33% dei trasferimenti di armi nel periodo 2016-2020; la regione si piazza seconda dopo Asia e Oceania (42%) e prima dell’Europa (12%), dell’Africa (7,3%) e delle Americhe (5,4%).
Pesantemente colpito dalla pandemia di Covid-19, l’Egitto del presidente Abdel al-Fattah al-Sisi attraversa oggi una pesante crisi economica che l’emergenza sanitaria degli ultimi mesi ha solo concorso ad aggravare.
Di seguito la lista degli oltre 150 esperti che hanno votato per la pagella sulla politica estera italiana in occasione della pubblicazione del Rapporto ISPI 2021 "Il mondo al tempo del Covid: l'ora dell'Europa?". Alla votazione hanno preso parte:
If the protests that began in Egypt on January 25, 2011, resulted in a coup-volution,[1] then what has developed since can only be called a populocracy.[2] The military exploited a genuine popular movement in 2011 to unseat President Hosni Mubarak, who had threatened the military’s primordial place in the state by grooming his son and his coalition of civilian business elites for succession.
Ten years have passed since January 25th, 2011, a date that marked the beginning of the Arab Spring in Egypt. But a decade later, a military-dominated autocracy led by President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi saw a sharp throwback, a counter-revolution with limited transformations, symbolic acts of economic liberalization and a deep securitization of society. What is left of the revolutionary movement that overthrew Hosni Mubarak's regime? What role does the military play in today’s Egypt? Can a political space still be opened for the oppositions, including the Islamists?
Il Sudan non è più nella black list americana dei paesi sostenitori del terrorismo. E il Marocco ha ottenuto il riconoscimento della sovranità sul Sahara Occidentale. È l’effetto domino della 'normalizzazione’ in Medio Oriente?
“We need to look beyond our immediate issues such as Eritrea, Somalia, and the problems of the two Sudans. Those [are] issues we can handle […]. We face two strategic adversaries. One[1] is Egypt.” To make sense of the relationship between Ethiopia and Egypt, Alex de Waal’s long conversations with Ethiopia's late Prime Minister Meles Zenawi comes in handy.
Under the presidency of Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, Egypt’s military presents old and new dynamics. Civil-military relations remain imbalanced: but paradoxically, the overwhelming role of the military, also as economic player, combines with the subtle narrowing of the military as cohesive entity. In fact, the rising competition among security, intelligence services and the military turns the security sector into the main Egyptian locus of politics.
Over the last decade, the deep transformations moving through the broader Mediterranean region have created new opportunities and challenges. The Libyan crisis and the tensions in the Levantine Sea emerged as paradigms of the contemporary chaos in the region as a whole. This is a complex and ever-changing context in which littoral countries clash over natural gas and maritime borders, while regional and international powers could get drawn into these disputes.
