Durante i continui sbarchi a Lampedusa e nel mezzo delle polemiche con l’Unione europea, il presidente Napolitano ha ricordato a tutti che c’è più bisogno di Europa, di un’Europa che parli con una sola voce. A prescindere da come la si pensi, è innegabile infatti che l’Unione europea semplicemente non c’è – o al massimo gioca un ruolo subalterno a quello degli stati – quando si tratta di temi estremamente delicati come la politica estera, la sicurezza, l’immigrazione.
Il Nord Africa, dall’Egitto alla Tunisia, alla Libia, è ormai da mesi attraversato da sconvolgimenti politici, economici e militari che cambieranno in modo sostanziale il percorso di sviluppo di quell’area. Questo ci ricorda ancora una volta, e forse più che in passato, quanto le due facce del Mediterraneo siano vicine.
In 2010, 17 African nations celebrated the 50th anniversary of their independence. Africa’s records in economic progress and political stability, demography (an ambivalent issue) and education etc. have steadily improved, although the threat of future violence and disruption remains for vast regions. National crises increasingly interact with global affairs, in the Horn and elsewhere. As suggested in the recent book by V.S.
The fragility and failure of the states in Africa is an issue of increasing concern for the international community. For Italy, it is becoming a matter of importance due to the existing ties with the Horn of Africa and to the expanding attention the country is devoting to the Sahelian region.
After 20 years of civil war, protracted states of conflict are the continuing hallmarks of Somalia. The new institutional landscape created according to the ‘Djibouti Agreement’ of 19 August 2008 has not resolved the crisis because of the lack of a genuine process of political inclusion. While Somaliland and Puntland did not join the Djibouti peace process, Mogadishu’s Transitional Federal Institutions (TFI) have been confronted with increasing attacks and territorial extension by al-Shabaab, the Somali Jihad movement.
Somalia ranks amongst the for-eign policy priorities of Italy, since the colonial times. Italian interests in Somalia are motivated by piracy and by the threat of terrorism, but also by the strategic position Somalia has in the region.
The deadline for the mandate of the transitional federal institutions, which should have expired the coming August, offers a unique occasion to rethink Italy's interests and involvement in Somalia.
Somalia's recent history is emblematic of the issues and fault lines which flow through the Horn of Africa.
The past 20 years have witnessed the adoption of different policies and geopolitical strate-gies but their outcome has been poor and the violence and social and economic misery affecting Somalis is an evident international failure.
The migration from Africa towards Europe, in the present political, military and humanitarian context, represents a crucial variable for Europe. This is an issue not only for the Mediterranean Member States - which have to manage the flows of people migrating from Libya and Tunisia – but it is an issue also for the entire infrastructure of European governance.
Despite the apparent uniformity of the Somali nation, after the death of Siad Barre Somalia en-tered a process of fragmentation that continues to date.
The solutions that the so-called international community has supported and at times has di-rectly promoted do not take into account that there is no unitary solution to the dissolution of the Somali state and that de facto institutions are controlling and governing parts of former Somalia, such as Puntland and Somaliland.