On 18th June 2019, senior officials from Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua and Panama gathered in an annual meeting in Antigua Guatemala with representatives of the European Union (EU) to discuss issues and best practices related to implementation of their Association Agreement. Signed in 2012, the agreement aimed at scaling up the economic and political cooperation between the EU and Central America (CA) going beyond the simple unilateral preferential access granted to Central America under the EU’s General Scheme of Preferences.
Caught between the rise of emerging powers and newly-created organisations that compete with them, Multilateral Institutions seem increasingly unable to provide shared, fair and effective solutions to today’s common international challenges. What are the root causes of the current crisis of the global liberal order? How could this impact international trade and economic growth, as well as international and regional security? How can multilateralism be defended and re-launched?
Amid the daily high drama of Brexit, it is easy to lose track of the structural shifts, or lack thereof, that may be associated with the UK’s possible departure from the European Union. One of them, and not the least, is the potential impact on the European and global financial system. London is currently the undisputed financial hub of Europe of the broader region encompassing the Middle East and Africa; together with New York, it is one of the two still-leading financial centers worldwide, despite the ongoing rise of Asia and especially China.
In the spotlight of the international media last year following the performances of its team in the 2018 FIFA World Cup in Russia, Croatia will be now given a significant opportunity for political visibility with the Presidency of the Council of the European Union in the first half of 2020. Its first term ever since the Former Yugoslav republic entered into the bloc in July 2013.
During 2018 the debate on the future of the EMU has left the drawing board of academics and policy advisors and has entered (albeit at the usual very slow pace) the realm of political discussions.
The new EU strategy for Central Asia, adopted by the EU Council on 17 June is not really a strategy as it is not a plan of action that includes objectives or timelines. This is not a bad thing.
The more you discuss with China, the better you will understand each other. The more you cooperate with China, the more incentives Beijing will have to pursue a liberal reform agenda. So went the underlying logic of “constructive engagement”, an unofficial approach taken by the EU vis-à-vis China for the most part of the last two decades.
Celebrating both the 44th anniversary of their diplomatic ties and the 16th anniversary of their strategic partnership in 2019, EU-China relations are among the most significant in the global arena. From an economic perspective, the EU and China are the largest exporters in the world, with the two blocs accounting for around 30 percent of global trade.
Italy has a migration problem, just not the one it thinks it does. To illustrate the challenges facing the country, Interior Minister Matteo Salvini continues to point south, at people coming by boat across the Mediterranean.
The first of December (Antarctica Day) 2019 will not only mark the 60th anniversary of the adoption of the Antarctic Treaty; it will also mark the 10th year since the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty. This second treaty furthered the EU on its path towards becoming a major actor on the global stage by establishing inter alia the function of High Representative and the European External Action Service (EEAS), the EU’s own diplomatic network.