In NATO-Gulf monarchies relations, military education is the most effective vector of cooperation. Moreover, individual partnerships work definitely better than a multilateral format. For this reason, the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative (ICI), launched in 2004 as a practical cooperation framework between NATO and some Arab Gulf states (United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain and Kuwait) has showed all its limits so far, slightly changing its nature - or rather adapting - on course.
In NATO's Southern flank, the general picture is quite bleak. There is a general failure of governance as the Eastern Mediterranean and its adjoining regions remain an extremely turbulent and unstable neighborhood, where the security environment continues to be "Hobbesian".
The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan represents a key partner and reliable ally for NATO, playing vital roles on NATO’s Southern flank, as a moderate force in a tumultuous region. But the kingdom also remains aid-dependent, resource-poor, and subject to crises from within and without. Yet, despite its longstanding partnership with NATO and with Western countries in general, the kingdom is too often neglected and under-valued.
The Middle East rarely plays a central role in NATO summits and the coming one, convened in Brussels on 11 and 12 July, will be no exception. Given the current diplomatic environment, the Brussels Summit will be primarily about reassuring the international community that transatlantic ties (whatever happens with regards to the nuclear deal with Iran, or the emerging trade war between the US and Europe) still translate into a strong NATO.
Regardless the final composition of the next Iraqi coalition government, NATO will have to interact with an executive part interested in maintaining the militias, their base of power. As a matter of fact, Security Sector Reform (SSR) in Iraq may appear as a national issue, but in reality the structure of Iraq's armed forces has implications for the whole region, including the Mediterranean, which is the "Southern", and in some cases also the "Eastern" flank of NATO.
Looking at political debates and perceived priorities, it seems that the coming NATO Summit will focus on the Eastern flank.
At the same time, the 11-12 July Summit will give the operative kick-start to the NATO Strategic Direction South (NSD-S) Hub, based in Naples and opened in September 2017.
Dopo l’adozione della Strategia di sicurezza cibernetica dell’Unione Europea nel 2013, l’attenzione a Bruxelles sui temi della cybersecurity è continuata a crescere, di pari passo con il moltiplicarsi di minacce e eventi cibernetici che hanno avuto serie ripercussioni sulle relazioni internazionali. Il livello di ambizione della Ue si è alzato, e l’Europa ha adottato una serie di strumenti del tutto innovativi, mentre quelli già previsti sono stati potenziati. Quali sono i settori in cui le misure di protezione dell’ambiente digitale europeo introdotte avranno maggiore impatto?
Il 13 settembre scorso, durante il suo discorso sullo stato dell’Unione, il Presidente della Commissione Europea Jean Claude Juncker ha menzionato esplicitamente la cybersecurity come uno dei temi critici per il futuro dell’Europa, annunciando contestualmente la presentazione di una proposta ad hoc composta da un “pacchetto” di misure a supporto di un’azione ancora più incisiva per l’innalzamento delle capacità di protezione dello spazio cibernetico comune.
National security is in the hand of Member States, not of the European Union, under Article 4, par. 2, TEU. But cybersecurity is not only an issue involving national security, as it has much to do with trust with the digital economy, the freedom of speech, the free trade, the respect of citizens’ rights, their data protection and privacy; in a few words, it is a basic element of the European Single Market.
Il 23 dicembre 2015 l’Ucraina ha subito un grave attacco cibernetico alle proprie infrastrutture critiche nazionali: circa 225mila case sono rimaste senza energia elettrica, in pieno inverno. Benché gli ucraini abbiano immediatamente ascritto la colpa ai russi, non possiamo essere certi di chi ne sia stato l’artefice.
In June 2017, the Council of the European Union agreed to develop the cyber diplomatic toolbox, a joint EU diplomatic response to deter malicious cyber operations. The cyber diplomatic toolbox is a potential game changer for EU cybersecurity as it signals the potential consequences aggressors might face when they target EU member states’ information systems. However, there is more to that than meets the eyes.
Information communications technologies (ICTs) are the backbone of Europe's economy. They fuel new opportunities for citizens to connect, for governments to provide increased access to public services, for utilities to deliver critical services, and for businesses to serve as an engine of economic growth. The remarkable opportunities associated with being connected and participating in the Internet economy are enticing countries and corporations to further expand their digital footprint.