Nigeria

Rilasciate circa 300 studentesse rapite pochi giorni fa. Ma chi sono i responsabili e cosa c’è dietro il fenomeno dei sequestri di massa nel nord della Nigeria?

Rilasciate circa 300 studentesse rapite pochi giorni fa. Ma chi sono i responsabili e cosa c’è dietro il fenomeno dei sequestri di massa nel nord della Nigeria?

Pandemia e protezionismo saranno le prime sfide di Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, nuova direttrice generale del Wto. Ma l'economista nigeriana ha già chiarito che con lei, prima donna africana a ricoprire tale carica, le cose stanno per cambiare.

Pandemia e protezionismo saranno le prime sfide di Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, nuova direttrice generale del Wto. Ma l'economista nigeriana ha già chiarito che con lei, prima donna africana a ricoprire tale carica, le cose stanno per cambiare.

 Boko Haram rivendica il sequestro di centinaia di studenti. È solo l’ultimo di una lunga serie di violenze e rapimenti nel nord del paese, sempre più fuori controllo.

10 domande e 10 risposte sulle proteste #EndSars in Nigeria.

Nigeria’s Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) is notorious for conducting gruesome extra-judicial killings, extortion and engaging in sexual abuse amongst other vices. Almost every Nigerian will have a story to tell of being harassed by SARS. If you are poor, you are termed a criminal; rich, you are a yahoo boy, the local slang for Internet fraudster.

Da settimane in Nigeria si protesta contro la SARS, reparto speciale della polizia accusata di brutalità e violenze. Una protesta che riguarda soprattutto i giovani del paese più popoloso dell’Africa, e che è stata repressa nel sangue negli ultimi giorni.

In a time when processes of opening and regional integration elsewhere seem to give way to the tightening of barriers and protectionist tendencies, on March 21th the African countries signed a historical agreement to launch AfCFTA, the world's largest free-trade area in terms of the number of Contracting Parties. Is this a real breakthrough for the country's development?

Defined by multiple dynamics of instability, the Lake Chad Basin represents a complex regional system. Over the last ten years, violent extremism has spread across the region as a result of Salafi-jihadi armed groups – Jama'atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda'awati wal-Jihad (JAS), commonly known as Boko Haram,[1] and Islamic State in West African Province (ISWAP) – which gave impulse to regional security cooperation processes.

The Fulani are a large and internally diverse population spread across West and Central Africa, with their largest concentration in Nigeria. In very broad terms, they can be divided into two main categories: the (semi)-nomadic and transhumant pastoralists, who raise cattle and sheep and, contrary to popular belief, usually also cultivate crops on a subsistence basis; and settled Fulani, who are not pastoralists and live in urban areas and villages as traders, farmers, traditional rulers, educated professionals.

The Lake Chad region is caught in a conflict trap. Climate change and conflict dynamics create a feedback loop where climate impacts feed additional pressures while conflict undermines communities’ coping capacity. Whilst the region around the lake, bordering Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Nigeria, is a priority for stabilisation efforts for many international and regional military actors, to date these efforts have failed to de-escalate the violence. Indeed, in some cases, military responses are making the situation worse.