The Brexit had at least the advantage of forcing Europeans to propose multiple projects in order to better pool their military capabilities. Admittedly, in this situation, there is a combination of favourable circumstances for initiatives that aim to revive the CSDP. First of all, Europeans made this decision to revive CSDP in 2013. The initiative came from France, jointly with the new President of the European Commission, Jean Claude Juncker.
A differenza della Nato, la politica di sicurezza e di difesa dell’Unione europea (Ue) non è mai stata fonte di eccessiva preoccupazione per Mosca.
The multiple crises that have hit the European Union (EU) have damaged political cohesion within and between member states. Notably after the Brexit vote, there is growing awareness in many capitals that without a renewed investment in the European project, the latter may unravel. With key countries such as France and Germany facing elections in 2017, the prospects for injecting new momentum into European integration are sobering.
“Fighting al-Qaida before the Huthis”: the United Arab Emirates (Uae) have recently rebalanced their military commitment in Yemen, prioritizing counterterrorism operations against jihadi groups, in particular with regard to al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula (Aqap). Since March 2015, the Saudi-led military intervention in Yemen against Zaydi Shia militias (the Huthis of Ansarullah, plus former president Ali Abdullah Saleh’s loyalists) has been marking a watershed for Gulf monarchies’ military projection outside their boundaries.
Police infiltration of political groups posing a threat to the British State and society has been the subject of intensive coverage by national media outlets for the past four years. Central to media stories have been some unethical techniques employed, and several controversial activities carried out, by two units working for the Metropolitan Police Service, namely the Special Demonstration Squad (1968-2008) and the National Public Order Intelligence Unit (1999-2011).
After the fall of the Gaddafi regime there was - allegedly - a great opportunity to make Libya a role model for other states in the region. For various reasons this opportunity is gone. There are several indications that Libya is on the way to a lengthy civil war. Some kind of Lebanonization could be the destiny of the country.
As probably everybody is aware an unstable Libya could have a significant negative impact to the region and also to our own countries.
It is not uncommon to assume that the Turkish military’s influence over politics has sharply decreased during the JDP governments. However, the JDP’s de-militarization policy has not produced a consolidated democracy and militarism has not totally disappeared from the legal, economic and social spheres. This is called pseudo transformation because the JDP has pursued a pragmatic policy that aims to keep the military from toppling civilian governments but avoids making democratic reforms in order to consolidate its power in domestic politcs. As a result of this policy, state institutions including the Turkish Armed Forces have become non-transparent and non-accountable. In the final analysis, the military has remained a black box despite the fact that its scope and influence has narrowed down.
Between 1966 and 1998 senior members of the Indonesian military were appointed to legislative and administrative bodies and occupied key positions in the bureaucracy as well as in state-owned corporations. They also held a number of legislative seats in the parliament and influenced the government-supported party GOLKAR. Since 1998, however, a process of democratization has led to a greater civilian control of the armed forces. The study focuses on this process as well as on the external challenges faced by the Indonesian armed forces
Since June 2013, the Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF) have taken over major responsibility for Afghanistan’s security throughout the country. Recently, during the two rounds of the presidential elections they have proved capable of defending territory and preventing major attacks, a fact that has been widely seen as evidence of their progress. After the relatively peaceful 14th June runoff, many observers expressed confidence that Afghan army and police are sufficiently strong to hold off any relevant military challenge by the Taliban and other Armed Opposition Groups (AOG). Although their recent performances exceeded expectations, ANSF’s readiness to confront autonomously the challenges posed by insurgency and the ability to rely on their own capacity remains dubious. ANSF still face a complex set of challenges that derive from the economic, security, political transitions undergoing in Afghanistan. This study discuss the interrelated challenges to transitioning Afghan-led security by the end of 2014, the date that would mark the transfer of all combat responsibilities to Afghan government forces. A special focus is dedicated to the Afghan National Army (ANA), as it is commonly considered the most advanced element of the ANSF.